🇧🇷Brazil

Evidence for missing indicators

Each record describes a case the indicators above cannot see. It does not affect the score or confidence because one case is not comparable across countries. A gap can become an indicator when a comparable series covers at least two countries.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Government foresight capacitystarted 1973still operating

  Embrapa, a fifty-year bet on tropical agriculture

  Brazil created a public agricultural research corporation in 1973 to make acidic tropical soils productive, kept it funded across every change of government since, and cereal production rose from 46.5 million tonnes in 2000 to 155.9 million in 2023.

  155,877,082 tonnes, cereal production, 2023. World Bank, from FAO, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: A public research corporation with its own budget line, staffed by researchers sent abroad to train and then brought back, mandated against one specific national constraint rather than research in general.

  Limits: Production is an outcome and the credit is shared with land expansion, subsidised credit and private plant breeding, so this number cannot separate the research from the rest. It also cannot see the cost: much of the expansion came from converting cerrado and forest. What the record actually evidences is fifty years of continuity in a public research mandate, which is the part no dataset measures.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Long-horizon research commitmentsstarted 1991still operating

  Lei de Informática, a sectoral industrial policy

  Law 8.248/1991 tied information-technology incentives to annual research, development and innovation investment of at least 5 percent of eligible domestic gross revenue, creating a predictable regime for sectoral capability.

  5 % of eligible domestic gross revenue, minimum annual r&d and innovation investment, 1991. Presidência da República, Lei 8.248/1991, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: The state exchanges a sector-specific incentive for commitments to domestic research, development, training and innovation, giving firms a reason to make longer-horizon plans within a stable policy frame.

  Limits: The legal investment requirement is an input, not evidence of research quality, exports or firm growth. The regime is narrow, has been amended repeatedly and creates a renewal pressure that makes continuity part of the case rather than a settled result.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Government foresight capacitystarted 2001still operating

  CGEE, the strategic studies center

  Created in 2001, the Centro de Gestão e Estudos Estratégicos was designed to produce prospective studies and long-term recommendations for Brazilian science, technology and innovation policy, with 273 researchers and specialists signing its creation record.

  273 researchers and specialists, participants signing the creation record, 2001. Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, CGEE report, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: Government creates a distinct organization to turn evidence and expert networks into long-horizon options, giving policymakers a place to ask what future conditions require before a crisis sets the agenda.

  Limits: The creation record and a mandate for prospective studies show institutional intent, not whether foresight changes decisions or survives political pressure. CGEE operates within the science and technology policy system, so its reach does not cover every part of government.

Evidence for missing indicators

Each record describes a case the indicators above cannot see. It does not affect the score or confidence because one case is not comparable across countries. A gap can become an indicator when a comparable series covers at least two countries.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Public-private collaborationstarted 1974still operating

  Itaipu Binacional, the treaty-built power system

  Brazil and Paraguay built and operate Itaipu through a treaty-based binational entity, which reached 14,000 megawatts of installed capacity and has supplied both countries since the first unit entered operation in 1984.

  14,000 MW, installed generating capacity, 2007. Itaipu Binacional, institutional information, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: Brazil and Paraguay converted a contested shared river into a jointly governed operating institution with its own legal personality, fixed allocation rules and a long-lived technical system.

  Limits: Installed capacity shows the scale of the physical system, not the quality of the bilateral relationship, the project's cost or the distribution of its benefits. A treaty structure can hold a joint asset together while leaving wider coordination between the countries unresolved.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to University-industry collaborationstarted 2013still operating

  EMBRAPII, industry-led applied research

  Created in 2013, EMBRAPII funds industrial research that companies contract with accredited public and private research units, and it contracted a record 811 new projects in 2025, 25.35% more than in 2024.

  811 projects, new projects contracted in the year, 2025. EMBRAPII, Embrapii em 2025: veja como foi nossa atuação (published 3 February 2026), archived copy, retrieved 2026-10-02.

  How it worked: Public funding follows an industry's defined technical problem into a research unit, sharing early risk while leaving the company and researchers responsible for solving a concrete challenge.

  Limits: Project counts show the throughput of a funding network, not the commercial value, technical success or additionality of the research. EMBRAPII is a social organisation under a management contract with four federal ministries, and the figure is its own report of its activity, drawn from its Power BI panel on 3 February 2026. Its 90 accredited units are research institutions of several kinds, university units among them, and the page does not say how many of the 811 projects ran in a university, so the record evidences firm-research-unit collaboration of which university collaboration is a part, not all of it. Projects vary widely in scale and maturity. The live page answered 'Conteúdo temporariamente indisponível' (HTTP 503) on 2 October 2026, so the source is the Internet Archive copy of 22 April 2026, which carries the 811 figure.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to University-industry collaborationstarted 2007delivered and closed

  SIBRATEC, the national technology networks

  To foster university-firm interaction, the Federal Government set up SIBRATEC, coordinated by the Ministry of Science and Technology with FINEP, BNDES and INMETRO taking part, as a national system of 56 research and development networks by 2010: 14 innovation-centre networks, 20 technological-service networks and 22 state-level extension networks.

  56 networks, sibratec national r&d networks reported, 2010. Ministry of Science and Technology, Plano de Ação em Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação 2007-2010: principais resultados e avanços (Programa 5.1, SIBRATEC), archived copy, retrieved 2026-10-02.

  How it worked: The ministry linked research groups, technology centres and state-level extension networks so firms could reach technical support outside universities and turn a production problem into a shared R&D project.

  Limits: The network count records an institutional architecture, not how many firms worked with a university, how much research was done jointly or what it produced. The report states the purpose (university-firm interaction) and the network count, but the networks also include technology institutes and metrology laboratories, and the extension networks support small firms with technical services rather than joint research. It is the ministry's own account of its plan and does not evaluate outcomes. The started year is the first year of the 2007-2010 action plan under which SIBRATEC was implemented; the report gives no creation date. The report says nothing about the networks after 2010, so the concluded status records the end of this delivery period, not the programme's fate. The ministry repository did not answer on 2 October 2026, so the source is the Internet Archive copy of 29 April 2025; the passage is on page 74.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to University-industry collaborationstarted 2018still operating

  MAI/DAI, innovation scholarships for research with partner companies

  Brazil's research council CNPq, with CAPES co-funding the 2024 call, has run four calls of its Mestrado e Doutorado Acadêmico para Inovação programme (2018, 2020, 2022 and 2024), in which about 80 science and technology institutions and more than 200 companies had taken part and at least 5,000 scholarships had been granted by 2024 for undergraduate and graduate student research on projects defined with partner firms.

  5,000 scholarships (at least), scholarships granted across mai/dai calls, 2018 to 2024, cumulative. 200 companies (more than), companies that have taken part in mai/dai, 2018 to 2024, cumulative. Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq), news release on the preliminary result of the first round of the 2024 MAI/DAI call, retrieved 2026-10-02.

  How it worked: The national research council pays scholarships for students whose thesis or initiation project is a research project defined with a partner firm, run through a university that must have a technology transfer office and an innovation policy, and since 2024 asks the firm for a financial counterpart.

  Limits: (append) The 2018 start year is also stated on the cited page, which lists the earlier calls as 2018, 2020 and 2022.

Evidence for missing indicators

Each record describes a case the indicators above cannot see. It does not affect the score or confidence because one case is not comparable across countries. A gap can become an indicator when a comparable series covers at least two countries.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Trust in public institutionsstarted 2001still operating

  Cadastro Único, the unified social registry

  Since 2001, Cadastro Único has identified and characterized low-income families across Brazil and has become the entry point for more than 40 federal, state and municipal social programmes.

  40 programmes, social programmes using the registry, 2026. Ministry of Development and Social Assistance, Cadastro Único, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: One shared identity and needs record lets multiple programmes see the same household, reducing the need for each programme to build its own eligibility system and making the state more legible to people it serves.

  Limits: A registry and its programme count show administrative reach, not whether citizens trust the state or whether benefits arrive accurately and on time. The source is the ministry responsible for the registry, and coverage depends on families keeping their records current.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Trust in public institutionsstarted 2004still operating

  Portal da Transparência, the federal open-books system

  Launched in 2004, Portal da Transparência has spent 20 years publishing federal revenue, expenditure, personnel and transfer information so citizens can inspect how public money is used.

  20 years, years since launch, 2024. Controladoria-Geral da União, Portal da Transparência, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: The government turns its own administrative records into a public interface, so oversight can begin with the same transaction detail that the bureaucracy uses to execute and audit spending.

  Limits: Publication creates the possibility of scrutiny, not evidence that people use the data or trust the institutions being scrutinized. The portal mainly covers federal government execution and excludes some state-owned and non-federal activity.

Evidence for missing indicators

Each record describes a case the indicators above cannot see. It does not affect the score or confidence because one case is not comparable across countries. A gap can become an indicator when a comparable series covers at least two countries.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Research citation impactstarted 1951still operating

  CAPES, federal postgraduate funding

  Founded in 1951, CAPES built a national postgraduate funding and evaluation system, and by 1995 Brazil's system had more than 60,000 students across over 1,000 master's and 600 doctoral courses.

  60,000 students, postgraduate students in the national system, 1995. CAPES, História e missão, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: A federal agency combines funding with peer evaluation and a national standard, so postgraduate programmes coordinate around a common definition of quality instead of growing as isolated local institutions.

  Limits: Student and course counts show the scale of the postgraduate system, not the quality or international impact of its research. CAPES reports the institutional history and its own programmes, while citation impact requires a separate bibliometric source.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Research citation impactstarted 1937still operating

  INEP, the standing education statistics institution

  Created in 1937, INEP built a standing education statistics and census system that lets federal, state and municipal actors see schools, students and policy results across Brazil, while its historical archive now spans 218.68 linear metres.

  218.68 linear metres, historical archive, 2022. INEP, institutional history and historical archive, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: A permanent statistical institution gives education policy a memory and a common set of objects, so schools, students and results can be compared across territories and governments.

  Limits: An archive and a census show that a state can record itself, not that the resulting policy improves learning or research quality. The data system also depends on reporting by schools and education secretariats, and its history includes institutional redesign.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Adult learning participationstarted 1996operating below its peak

  Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA), and its erosion

  Brazil's Educação de Jovens e Adultos, the second-chance basic education modality delivered mostly by public school networks, enrolled 2,962,322 students in 2021 and 2,252,069 in 2025, a fall of about 24 percent in four years, according to INEP's School Census.

  2,252,069 enrolments, enrolments in educação de jovens e adultos (eja), total of public and private networks, 2025. 2,962,322 enrolments, enrolments in eja in 2021, the highest year of the 2021 to 2025 series in this release, 2021. Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira (INEP), Censo Escolar da Educação Básica 2025, results presentation (Gráfico 24), retrieved 2026-10-02.

  How it worked: The federal education law makes basic education for youths and adults a modality of the public school system, and state and municipal networks deliver it in evening classes, funded through the per-pupil FUNDEB transfers with a lower weight than regular schooling. Enrolment has fallen every year since at least 2020 as networks close evening classes and fewer young adults enter.

  Limits: Both numbers are read off a bar chart in a PDF slide deck (Gráfico 24, PDF page 25), not a table, and the chart labels the totals as public plus private. The deck's window only starts in 2021, so the 'peak' is the first year shown and not EJA's historical peak: INEP's 2024 presentation (PDF page 35) shows 3,002,749 enrolments in 2020, and the decline is older than either window. The real loss from the modality's peak is therefore understated, not overstated. Enrolment counts registrations in the census reference week, not adults who attend or complete. A falling count is not by itself a capability loss: part of the fall reflects more young people finishing regular school on time, so fewer need a second chance, and INEP's own 2024 deck notes that EJA also absorbs teenagers who left regular school after repeated failure, so EJA is not purely adult learning. The source gives no count of the adults who lack completed basic education, so the 2,252,069 enrolments cannot be turned into the share of adults the indicator asks for. The 1996 start is the Lei de Diretrizes e Bases (Lei 9.394) that set EJA as a modality; it is not stated at the source URL, and adult schooling in Brazil predates it.

Evidence for missing indicators

Each record describes a case the indicators above cannot see. It does not affect the score or confidence because one case is not comparable across countries. A gap can become an indicator when a comparable series covers at least two countries.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Firms through regulatory sandboxesstarted 2021delivered and closed

  Banco Central regulatory sandbox, first cycle

  Brazil's central bank opened its regulatory sandbox to applications in February 2021, received 52 projects, admitted seven to test under relaxed rules from 6 December 2021, and ran the cycle for one year with one permitted extension.

  7 projects, projects admitted to the first cycle, 2022. 52 projects, projects that applied to the first cycle, 2021. Banco Central do Brasil, Relatório de Gestão do Sandbox Regulatório, 1º ciclo 2022, retrieved 2026-10-01.

  How it worked: The National Monetary Council and the central bank set a joint sandbox rule in 2020, and a standing committee of seven department heads screened applications by cycle, admitting only projects that needed a specific rule relaxed to be tested.

  Limits: The central bank is reporting on its own programme. Seven admissions out of 52 shows a selective regime, not a broad one: the report records that the bank found 24 projects not innovative enough or not needing any rule relief, judged five outside its remit, and disqualified 16 more. The report covers the first cycle only and says nothing about what the seven tests changed in regulation or which products reached the market. No second cycle appears in the bank's published sandbox documents as of the retrieval date, so the status is concluded on that absence, not on a closing statement. The securities regulator CVM runs a separate sandbox that this record does not count. The source is a PDF and the counts are on page 11.

Evidence for missing indicators

Each record describes a case the indicators above cannot see. It does not affect the score or confidence because one case is not comparable across countries. A gap can become an indicator when a comparable series covers at least two countries.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Institutional responsivenessstarted 1993delivered and closed

  Plano Real, the 1994 currency stabilisation

  Brazil ended four decades of high inflation with a staged currency reform, taking annual consumer price inflation from 2,075.9 percent in 1994 to 3.2 percent in 1998.

  3.2 % per year, annual consumer price inflation, 1998. World Bank, from IBGE, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: A stable unit of account was introduced alongside the failing currency, prices were re-anchored to it while it was still only a reference, and it became legal tender only once the anchoring had happened.

  Limits: Disinflation was held in place with an overvalued exchange rate and high interest rates, and that arrangement broke in the 1999 devaluation and again in the 2002 confidence crisis. One macroeconomic outcome is not a general measure of how fast Brazilian institutions respond to new conditions. The design and the sequencing are the capability here, and no number in this record captures them.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Institutional responsivenessstarted 1975still operating

  Proalcool, the fuel substitution after the oil shock

  Brazil answered the 1973 oil shock by mandating ethanol blending and building a national fuel alcohol industry, taking production from 580 thousand cubic metres in 1975 to 38,199 in 2025, and from 2003 flex-fuel engines moved the choice to the driver.

  38,199.192 thousand cubic metres, ethanol production, 2025. National Petroleum Agency, via IPEADATA, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: A blending mandate created guaranteed demand, subsidised credit built the mills against it, and flex-fuel engines two decades later moved the choice from the state to the driver.

  Limits: The programme was heavily subsidised in the 1980s and nearly collapsed when oil prices fell in the 1990s, so the line is not a story of steady success. Production volume says nothing about land use, cane labour conditions, or how the emissions accounting works out. What this evidences is a state changing an entire fuel system in response to an external shock, which is the construct the indicator asks for.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Institutional responsivenessstarted 1972delivered and closed

  Telebras, the telecom system that was dismantled

  Created in 1972, Telebras coordinated Brazil's state telecom system until its 1998 privatisation, when 54 concessionaires were split out and the state moved from operating the network to regulating and universalising service.

  54 companies, concessionaires controlled before the split, 1998. Telebras, historical financial report, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: The state first assembled a fragmented telecom sector into one planning and investment system, then dismantled that holding structure when a new regulatory and private operating model was judged more suitable for expansion.

  Limits: The number of controlled companies shows the structure of the old system, not whether privatisation delivered affordable, reliable service everywhere. The transition also left a continuing Telebras with a different role, so the record concerns a model that ended rather than a company that disappeared.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Institutional responsivenessstarted 2023still operating

  Salário mínimo and its permanent revaluation rule

  Brazil's Congress and president established a permanent annual valorização do salário mínimo in Law 14.663/2023, setting the national floor at R$1,320 from May 2023 and linking later adjustments to INPC inflation plus real GDP growth from two years earlier.

  1,320 Brazilian reais per month, national minimum wage set by law 14.663/2023, 2023-05. Presidency of the Republic, Law No. 14.663/2023, retrieved 2026-08-31.

  How it worked: Congress codified an INPC-plus-lagged-GDP rule, while the Executive issues the annual decree that sets the floor. Linking a visible wage rule to regularly published national indicators makes annual change routine and contestable instead of an ad hoc negotiation.

  Limits: A statutory floor is not the same as wages actually paid or compliance with labour law. The formula does not show real purchasing power, employment, informality, regional cost differences, enforcement or causal effects, and later fiscal-cap legislation altered the practical ceiling on increases. This record documents a national rule for routine adjustment rather than an outcome evaluation.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Disaster preparedness and recoverystarted 2024delivered and closed

  Auxílio Reconstrução, the federal cash grant after the 2024 Rio Grande do Sul floods

  After the floods that began in late April 2024 in Rio Grande do Sul, the federal government paid R$ 2.1 billion in Auxílio Reconstrução to 429,000 families, according to the balance its extraordinary secretary for the reconstruction of Rio Grande do Sul presented to a Chamber of Deputies committee on 12 February 2025.

  429,000 families, families paid the auxílio reconstrução, 2025-02-12. 2.1 R$ billion, auxílio reconstrução paid, 2025-02-12. Câmara dos Deputados, Agência Câmara (hearing of the Comissão Especial sobre Prevenção e Auxílio a Desastres Naturais), retrieved 2026-10-02.

  How it worked: The federal government created a flat, one-off cash grant by provisional measure within two weeks of the disaster, paid through the existing social-payment rails to families on lists the affected municipalities certified, and accepted self-declaration to trade verification for speed.

  Limits: The figure is the executive's own balance, stated by the federal secretary for the reconstruction of Rio Grande do Sul at a Chamber hearing and reported by the Chamber's news agency; it is not an audited count, and the Ministry of Integration pages that carried the running totals were behind a login wall during the 2026 electoral period, so the primary executive source could not be opened. The grant was eligibility-by-municipal-list plus self-declaration, so the count shows money reaching families, not need met: the Tribunal de Contas da União (Acórdão 1297/2025, per its news page 'Tribunal analisa benefícios a desabrigados das enchentes') found 87,300 requests (11.97%) pending for more than 100 days at 13 September 2024 and one municipality where none of 1,722 requests had been approved, and ordered the ministry to clear the backlog. The budget was sized for an estimated 375,000 families. A cash transfer is response and early recovery, not reconstruction of housing or protective works, and says nothing about whether exposure fell.

Evidence for missing indicators

Each record describes a case the indicators above cannot see. It does not affect the score or confidence because one case is not comparable across countries. A gap can become an indicator when a comparable series covers at least two countries.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 2020still operating

  Pix instant payment system

  Brazil's central bank specified, built and ran a mandatory instant payment rail that settled 7.98 billion transactions in July 2026, for 152 million people and 14 million firms transacting in that month.

  7,975,213,950 transactions, pix transactions settled in the month, 2026-07. Banco Central do Brasil, Pix statistics API, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: The central bank wrote the standard, mandated participation for every institution above a size threshold, ran the settlement infrastructure itself and set the price to zero for individuals.

  Limits: Transaction volume shows adoption of one payment rail. It says nothing about cost or schedule performance on a capital project, which is what this indicator asks for. Pix was specified and enforced by a single institution with regulatory power over the participants, so it is weak evidence about delivery that needs several agencies to hold position.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 2019still operating

  GOV.BR federal identity and service platform

  Brazil consolidated federal public services behind one identity platform, reporting 175 million active accounts and 5,179 digital services in May 2026.

  175,000,000 accounts, active gov.br accounts, 2026-05. Governo Digital, Ministry of Management and Innovation in Public Services, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: One identity provider for every federal service, with assurance levels tied to records the state already held, and a rule that services migrate to it rather than build their own login.

  Limits: An account count measures registration and a service count measures listing. Neither shows whether a service completes, how long it takes, or what it costs to run. Both numbers are published by the programme about itself, with no external audit attached.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 1988still operating

  Sistema Unico de Saude, universal public health system

  Brazil wrote a right to health into the 1988 constitution and built a single public system that covers everybody in the country, and the WHO service coverage index for Brazil rose from 71 in 2000 to 84 in 2023.

  84 index 0-100, uhc service coverage index, 2023. World Health Organization, Global Health Observatory, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: A right to health written into the constitution, funded by earmarked federal transfers and delivered by municipalities under national rules.

  Limits: A service coverage index counts whether services reach people. It says nothing about waiting times, quality, or the difference between a capital city and the interior, and it credits private provision alongside the public system. Brazil spends less per head on public health than most countries with a comparable index, which this number cannot show.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 1973operating below its peak

  Programa Nacional de Imunizacoes, and its erosion

  Brazil's national immunisation programme reached 99 percent DPT coverage in 2003 and held above 95 percent for a decade, then fell to 68 percent by 2021 and had recovered to 91 percent by 2024.

  91 % of children, dpt immunisation coverage, children aged 12-23 months, 2024. 99 % of children, dpt immunisation coverage at its 2003 peak, 2003. World Bank, from WHO and UNICEF estimates, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: Free universal vaccination delivered through the primary care network, with national campaign days that made coverage a visible public event.

  Limits: This record is here because it runs both ways. A delivery capability that reached the whole country lost a third of its coverage in five years and has not fully recovered, which is evidence about durability rather than about peak performance. Coverage is administratively reported, DPT is one antigen among many, and the fall has several causes that the series cannot separate.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 2003delivered and closed

  Luz para Todos, rural electrification

  Brazil connected the last rural households to electricity through a national programme run with the state and private distributors, taking access from 94.4 percent of the population in 2000 to 99.8 percent in 2024.

  99.8 % of population, access to electricity, 2024. World Bank, from national and utility sources, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: The federal government paid the connection cost and delivered through the existing distribution concessionaires, with connection targets written into their contracts.

  Limits: Access counts a connection. It says nothing about how often the power fails, what it costs, or the isolated Amazon communities that make up most of the remaining gap. Access was already rising before 2003, so the programme accelerated a trend rather than starting one.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 2003still operating

  Bolsa Familia and the single registry behind it

  Brazil built one national registry of low-income households and paid conditional transfers through it, going from 6.6 million benefits in December 2004 to a peak of 21.0 million in 2022 and 18.6 million in December 2025.

  18,618,236 benefits, benefits paid in december, 2025. Ministry of Social Development, via IPEADATA, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: One registry of low-income households shared across every social programme, with payments made directly to a card held by the mother, conditional on school attendance and health checks.

  Limits: A benefit count is administrative and says nothing about whether the transfers reduced poverty. The programme was renamed and restructured twice between 2021 and 2023, so the series covers more than one design. The capability worth copying is the registry and the targeting, and neither has a number in this record.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 1996still operating

  Fully electronic national elections

  Brazil has run every election on electronic voting machines since 2000, across an electorate that reached 155.9 million voters in 2024, with results published the same evening.

  155,908,437 voters, registered electorate, 2024. Superior Electoral Court, via IPEADATA, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: One election authority owns the machines, the software and the count, with public audit ceremonies and results published the same evening.

  Limits: The electorate measures the scale of the operation and not the speed or the integrity of the count. The Superior Electoral Court publishes result timing and audit results separately and neither is in this number. Electronic voting has been contested politically in Brazil despite repeated public audits, which is a fact about trust rather than about delivery.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 1997still operating

  Deepwater and pre-salt oil production

  Brazil developed deepwater extraction, found the pre-salt fields in 2006 and produced them at depths of more than 5,000 metres, with national oil production rising from 71,844 thousand cubic metres in 2000 to 219,032 in 2025.

  219,032.409 thousand cubic metres, oil production, 2025. National Petroleum Agency, via IPEADATA, retrieved 2026-08-26.

  How it worked: A state oil company sustained deepwater research for decades, and licensing rules concentrated the learning from each field in one operator.

  Limits: Production is an outcome shared between Petrobras and foreign operators, and several individual platforms ran years late and over budget, which is exactly the cost and schedule record this indicator asks for and which this number hides. Expanding oil output also sits against Brazil's climate commitments, and a production figure cannot weigh that.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 1952still operating

  BNDES, the national development bank

  Founded in 1952, Brazil's federal development bank provides long-term financing and investment across the national economy, and it disbursed R$169.7 billion in 2025.

  169.7 R$ billions, bndes disbursements, 2025. BNDES, Agência de Notícias, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: The federal development bank converts public capital and long-term finance into patient support for firms and infrastructure projects that commercial lenders may not carry through their formation period.

  Limits: Disbursement volume measures the bank's activity, not whether the projects it finances arrive on time, within budget or with durable public value. The source is the institution reporting on itself, and the number mixes market-rate lending with policy-directed finance.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Large project deliverystarted 1694still operating

  Casa da Moeda do Brasil, the national mint

  Founded in 1694, Brazil's national mint has remained a public institution through colonial, imperial and republican regimes and now produces currency, identity documents and passports after more than 330 years of operation.

  330 years, reported institutional history, 2026. Casa da Moeda do Brasil, history of the CMB, retrieved 2026-08-29.

  How it worked: A permanent public production institution carries the state's credential infrastructure across political and monetary transitions, preserving practical capability while its outputs change with the regime around it.

  Limits: Institutional survival and the ability to produce state credentials show continuity, not the cost, quality or strategic value of every product made by the mint. The institution also changed its technologies and functions over time, so continuity does not mean an unchanged organisation.

Evidence for missing indicators

Each record describes a case the indicators above cannot see. It does not affect the score or confidence because one case is not comparable across countries. A gap can become an indicator when a comparable series covers at least two countries.

• 🇧🇷Brazillinked to Civic participationstarted 1990still operating

  SUS health councils, permanent public participation

  Since Law 8.142 established them in 1990, Brazil's SUS has required permanent, deliberative health councils at the national, state and municipal levels, with users holding 50 percent of seats and health workers and government or providers holding 25 percent each.

  50 % of seats, user share of health council seats, current. Ministry of Health, SUS councils, with Law 8.142/1990, retrieved 2026-08-30.

  How it worked: Brazil made participation part of the health system's operating structure: users, workers, government and providers share a permanent council whose decisions feed into policy formulation and control of execution.

  Limits: A mandated seat structure creates a route for participation but does not show whether councils meet regularly, deliberate independently, change health priorities or attract people beyond organised representatives. The 50/25/25 composition is a legal and administrative design, not a measure of actual attendance or influence, and the ministry describes the system without an independent evaluation of outcomes.